On the other side of the uprising: the youth have their own language.

Since the beginning of the popular uprising in Lebanon until this moment, no Lebanese citizen, regardless of their political, ideological, or partisan affiliations, can avoid sympathizing, even slightly, with the Lebanese uprising. Apart from political realism and analysis, which stem from many factors that cannot be overlooked in Lebanese politics—starting with geopolitical geography and ending with the current regional and international conflict in which Lebanon is a battlefield—perhaps each of us secretly wished, even those who did not participate in the demonstrations, for the legitimacy and realism of the uprising, to be with those who took to the streets in the first two days. The demands may differ in style and agendas, but at their core, none of us can reject them or simply be indifferent to them, such as halting the corruption that now affects our every breath, from pollution to the distortion of nature, debt, healthcare, job opportunities, social and economic security, and more.

We must admit, with some self-accountability, that the Lebanese scene has bewildered everyone, not just the authorities but the majority of Lebanese as well. From the very first moment, on October 17, slogans of "the revolution" emerged in the streets, and angry youth, regardless of their affiliations, called themselves revolutionaries. The momentum witnessed by the demonstrations in the first days placed everyone in a dilemma: should we believe in this remarkable mass outpouring with its slogans and the unity and solidarity visible in the streets that brought together all opposites in this country, or should we prioritize political realism in analyzing the events (the list is long) and thus curb any enthusiasm or emotion for the new popular situation, waiting to better understand the course of things? Just as the legitimacy of the demands is clear, the second assumption is also legitimate. We are a people who have never known accountability, a people who have proven through experience that we do not read history well, and a people whose demands fall apart at the mere speech of a leader or sectarian slogan.

There are three components controlling this uprising: the protesters themselves, who have sincerely gone down to the streets to demand social and political rights; the political authority in Lebanon; and the external interests represented on the ground by organizations, individuals, and parties. The primary and largest responsibility lies within the political authority, whose performance, with all its arrogance, neglect, and disregard for the public interest, is the direct cause of people going down to the streets. It is also this authority that remains the direct cause of the inability to control the street or stop the manifestations of chaos that the Lebanese streets have started to witness, raising fears that the situation could shift from a demand-based movement to direct confrontations between people, which is a legitimate and accurate concern. Before the protests, it was possible not to blame the authorities for their behavior, not only in this term but in all terms, due to the lack of a concept of accountability among the people. Elections, since Lebanon’s independence in 1943 through the Taif Agreement in 1989 to the present, have been like referendums on the popularity of each leader or party, based on regional, sectarian, and confessional grounds. After the outbreak of the uprising, the Lebanese street split between those who call for continuing to paralyze the country by blocking roads and those who call for limiting the protests to the squares and vital facilities. The authority, whose people and parties have not stopped sending letters of love, appreciation, and promises to change the prevailing mentality of governance, is now facing a major and historic test to save itself and perhaps save the country. However, since the resignation of the government, people have been searching for a state that has become even more absent than before the resignation. Speeches and leaks from meetings here and there have become material that further stimulates the continuation of protests in the streets. Instead of forming a government as quickly as possible, they themselves are still searching for a formula to share the spoils, ignoring developments on the street, and no sane person can be convinced that this absence or neglect is unintentional. So, what are they betting on?

The second player is the international community, which undoubtedly excels at media games and addressing the youth in a way that the other camp has neither known nor mastered. The demonstrations' national unity and the refined way of expressing themselves (with the exception of provocative and dangerous cases that emerge from time to time), the slogans, and the joy expressed through music, activities, and live television broadcasts by stations that had been struggling financially—these are all results of years of silent, skillful work by the American team and those orbiting around it. This work aimed at introducing this pattern and culture, which has started to spread across multiple Arab countries simultaneously, both in form and substance. This includes critical television programs, the highlighting of young personalities, and extending to the demonstrations on the ground and the slogans that accompanied them. In this context, everyone must admit that this team has successfully attracted the street, which consists of youth eager for a new language, taking them to their side without direct interference, either positively or negatively. The silence of the American president and his allied countries is only evidence of this.

What is happening today in the Arab countries signals the beginning of a new political style in the Middle East. In Lebanon, everything is now swaying in the face of possibilities in an uprising that has successfully established this new style in an enticing, refined, and beautiful manner. Despite all the distortion, exploitation, and fragments that have affected the protests, they have undoubtedly outdone the authorities by forcing them to retreat multiple times under pressure, cementing the legitimacy of their demands. As for their insistence on remaining in the streets, in the face of an unjustified official failure and absence, no one can blame them, despite the security and economic risks that come with it.